Contribution of the Subarea of University and Research of the United Left of the Valencian Country[1] to the GUE/NGL workshop on the impact of EU Education Policy and Educational System Reforms on Youth and Society.
Structure of the document.
An
introduction addressing some of the topics
of the workshop and outlining the
position of the Subarea of University and Research of the United Left
of the
Valencian Country.
A proposed
resolution of the Subarea which dates from
Demember 2005. Other documents of
Subarea (mainly in Catalan) can be found at:
First of
all, the question posed in the title of this workshop, Education:
Public
Good or Commodity?, is obviously rhetorical. If we are
participating in the
GUE/NGL initiative, we know that education must be considered as a
public good.
This is so for many reasons. Among others, we would like to emphasize
three.
Firstly
because we consider education as a universal right and not as something
to be
bought and sold.
Secondly,
because the provision of education and the production of commodities
have
different time scales. Jerome Bruner observed that the basic aim of
education
is to prepare today’s students to solve that that we are unable to
foresee. The
strengths and weaknesses of today’s education will become more clearly
apparent
in 10, 15, 20… years’ time (and the future lasts a long time). The
production
of commodities in capitalism operates on a different time scale: short
term
profit (and the term is getting shorter and shorter after the end of
the “cold”
war). The future cannot be left at the mercy of “free” market
capitalism.
Thirdly,
because specifically higher education is also concerned with the
production of
knowledge and knowledge cannot be private: scientific knowledge depends
on the
public scrutiny of ideas[2].
Having said
this, what can we say about EU higher education policy? There are words
and
declarations of intentions, there is a context and there are facts.
Although
the Bologna process began as an academic initiative, to a large extent
outside
the neoliberal agenda of “European construction”, it is being
implemented and
must be examined in the neoliberal context of the Lisbon strategy. In
such a
context, there is a temptation simply to reject the process outright.
In the
Subarea of University and Research of United Left of the Valencian
Country, we
are analysing the Bologna process as a set of threats and possible
opportunities. We consider that the construction of the European Higher
Education Area is necessary but must meet a series of minimum social
demands
that are currently being played down by the EU. One of the main
contradictions
of the process is that there is a recognition of the need for a strong
and
efficient university system but a lack of political will to provide
sufficient
funding. Without sufficient funding, the process will deepen existing
social
inequalities.
Despite the
adverse context, in the context of the Spanish university, some of the
basic intentions can be considered positive and many of the words of
the
declarations and communiqués are reassuring. Thus the idea of defining
university education in terms of learning instead of teaching can be
considered, in principle, positive. At least in Spain teaching
methodology at
universities tends to be highly conservative and, among many university
teachers, there is a deep-rooted hostility to active, student-centred
methodologies. This can be considered an opportunity for change and
innovation… provided, of course, that the funding of universities is
similarly redefined
so that there are more teachers to reduce the teacher student ratio, so
that
teaching staff are trained to implement active student centred
methodologies
and, above all, so that the full-time student, implicit in the Bologna
process,
receives an adequate salary grant.
If this
condition is not met, and, in Spain at least, there is widespread
scepticism
among students about its being met, the Bologna process will exclude
many
students from higher education.
The Bergen
Comminiqué explicitly includes the “social dimension” in the Bologna
process
and is eloquent on this point:
We … renew our commitment to making quality
higher education equally accessible to all, and stress the need for
appropriate
conditions for students so that they can complete their studies without
obstacles related to their social and economic background. The social
dimension
includes measures taken by governments to help students, especially
from
socially disadvantaged groups, in financial and economic aspects and to
provide
them with guidance and counselling services with a view to widening
access.
But despite
this declaration of intentions, in the pilot groups set up in some
Spanish
universities, many students who have to work to pay for their studies
are
having serious problems to continue studying. (Similarly, it is
difficult to
argue against the desirability of increased student mobility, but in
Spain at
least, insufficient funding excludes most students from studying
abroad, and
many of those that do study abroad are forced to work to finance their
stay. A
period of study in another European university with adequate funding
should be
considered a right for all students).
For a public
university in the framework of the European
Higher Education Area:
No convergence without finance
The capitalist neoliberal project for Europe only envisages its formal,
nominal
convergence in market terms excluding the perspective of a real
convergence in
terms of social cohesion. This has produced serious social and
territorial
inequalities in the framework of a European Union with a single
currency but a
profound social and economic heterogeneity. In this context the
construction
project of the EUPV (United Left of the Valencian Country) proposes a
real
convergence process with a number of demands such as a European tax
system, a
European minimum salary and a European Social Charter that really
guarantees
social rights. Our proposal also requires a real convergence process in
Higher
Education. But this process cannot be limited to a formal unification
of the
cycles of Higher Education and a single unit of measure of Higher
Education, it
also requires the provision of the means to implement this:
The whole
process requires European public universities that do not seek
“competitiveness” so much as quality and cooperation with the rest of
the
world, which are not subordinated to the narrow, short-sighted demands
of the
market but which seek to form creative, critically minded citizens with
a high
level of cultural and professional education, which is the only way to
promote
sustainable development.
All of
this requires a considerable increase in the public funding of
universities. We
are convinced that without a convergence in funding there is no
possibility of
real convergence and so we demand a system of stable public funding in
order to
advance towards a a Critical Public University of Quality
in the framework of an authentic European
Higher Education Area.
[1] Esquerra Unida del País Valencà is a socio-political movement federated in Izquierda Unida.
[2] The concept of a “knowledge-based
economy” can be seen as one of the main contradictions of the
neoliberal
agenda: capitalism is based on the private property of the means of
production,
but scientific knowledge must be public. There is a widespread
acknowledgement
that The UE lags behind the USA and Japan in funding I+D, especially in
private
sector funding. The lack of research in the private sector in Spain is
particularly serious. An alternative model of public research is provided by the GNU/Linux open code
movement. Along these lines, the state could set up Public Research
Agencies
whose research staf would provide services to different types of
entities and
companies. The result of the research should generally be entirely
public and
be distributed so that anybody could use it. As a compensation for the
service,
the companies involved could be required to ensure labour. It would be
possible, in some cases, to allow a company that has made an important
financial effort to fund a piece of research to have the right of
exclusive use
of the results for a short period of time, for example two years, after
which
the results would enter the public domain.
[3] Explanatory note: we propose that
university studies should be free. In principle pre-graduate students
would
receive a salary grant to cover their personal expenses and expenses
derived
from studying. Postgraduate students would receive a public loan to
cover these expenses, and would start to
repay the
loan once they begin to earn more than the average wage, the rate of
repayment
would be progressive.